Sometimes, emergency home baptisms took place when a baby was sickly, but if the father was one of the gentry it was often the custom to summon the parson to the house to perform the ceremony. Is this what happened here or did the family's Methodist leanings mean that Henry was first baptised at Motcombe? The register of Mere church records Henry’s public baptism on the 12 February 1829, the year after the death of father Edward. The vicar, the Rev. S H Casson who was trying to fulfil the requirement of the 1662 Book of Common Prayer with its service The Ministration of Publick Baptism of Infants to be used in Church, wrote a testy note on a separate piece of paper which he put in the register: I never enter private baptisms; they ought to be discouraged. S H C[asson].

Thereafter, a tantalising gap since nothing more is known of Henry's whereabouts until the night of the 6-7 June 1841 when he was recorded in the census at Rivers Street, Bath, Somerset living with a Frances Amiel aged about 50, of Independent means.² This was Frances Christiana Josiah Amiel, an aunt to his future wife. Also in the same dwelling were members of the Fryer family.³

Henry, described as ‘of Yeovil Somerset’ is next found on the 4 October 1844 at Gretna Hall, Dumfriesshire⁴ with Julia Harrietta [sic] Amiel of Walcot Somerset where they contracted an irregular marriage, the reason for which will be made clear shortly. Then in London on the 13 June 1845 when he bought a marriage licence from the Vicar General of the Archbishop of Canterbury (probably at Westminster or Lambeth), as a prelude to marriage on the 16 June to Harriet Julia Amiel at St. Pancras Old Church, Euston, London. The wedding took place not at the new building finely designed on strict classical lines which includes a part copied precisely from the Acropolis at Athens, but at the formerly medieval church, extensively remodelled in 1848 and which lies away from the urban development which was then taking place. The couple lived at Euston Square, later partially demolished to make way for Euston Road⁵, a wide thoroughfare pushed through in front of Euston Station⁶ and the magnificent new Victorian Gothic 'cathedral' of St. Pancras Station.

Julia (as she was known), baptised at St. Mary's, Cheltenham, Gloucestershire on the 7 April 1824, now just over 21, was the daughter of Lt. William Eardley Amiel, RN by his first wife Martha née Moore, and a grand-daughter of Capt. Otho Hamilton Amiel. The 1841 census shows her too living in Bath with her family at Grosvenor Place.⁷

The marriage certificate shows that they lived at St. Pancras and the birth of their first child was at fashionable 7 Harrington Street, and reveals the startling fact that events leading up to the wedding must have been less than happy since Julia was already three months pregnant when she stood before the altar. Evidently the chaperon system had broken down. Family tradition wrongly held that Julia had married beneath her and was disowned by her father - although her three brothers had stood by her. Her father's displeasure may not have lasted beyond the 9 February 1848 when Henry and Julia were named by him in a Deed of Family Arrangement which included inheriting a building in Park Place, St James, just off Pall Mall, near to the Duke of York steps

Henry registered as a student at the University College Hospital (which now has a separate existence as a medical school), during the sessions 1849-50 through to 1853-54. The College Calendar shows that the terms for perpetual admission for practical and clinical courses were a fee of £26 paid in two parts, at £21 plus a 15/- [75p] fee on the 5 October 1849 and a further 5 guineas [£5.25] a year later. He was recorded at admission as being 25 years old and would have been able to pay for his training out of his share of the inheritance. He lived at 72 Euston Square - a short walk from the College. Studies ranged over anatomy and physiology, surgery, medicine and chemistry and took him twice as long to complete as brother John. Is there a clue to his character in the stereotype of the medical student of the 1840s?:

Steeplechases in the dissecting room, cheating in the Latin examinations, flirting with the barmaid, gin-and-water until three o'clock in the morning.⁸

At the decennial census on 30 March 1851, the Merryweather family was visited at their home at 72 Euston Square.⁹

Name          Position Age Status    Occupation  Where born
H             Head     27  Married   Chemist     Wiltshire
J             Wife     27  Married      -        Glos
Martha        Daughter  5     -         -        London
Charlotte     Daughter 6mo    -         -        London
J.[?].        Brother  25  Unmarried Mariner     Wiltshire
H F Tullen.   Servant  23  Unmarried Asst Chem   Glos
Harvey.       Servant  30  Unmarried Servant     Kent
Eliza Hobson. Servant  28  Unmarried Servant     Leicester

The 1854 Calendar of the Royal College of Surgeons, the year that Henry qualified as an MRCS and as a Licentiate in Midwifery, showed his address as Bath, Somerset.

Another matter in 1854 was the Crimean war which went on until an Armistice of 1856. It was an inconclusive affair, the British allied with France and Turkey, against Russia - a conflict notable for its heavy losses on both sides. Later documents show that Henry claimed to have been a surgeon in charge of a large hospital in that war for 15 months (said by American brother officers to have been at Scutari in Turkey). However, he does not appear to have been a military surgeon. His name is not listed amongst the civilian doctors who served there but as it was compiled in July 1855 it may not have been up-to-date nor could it have included arrivals in the closing stages of the war.¹⁰ After qualifying, Henry's name appeared in successive editions of Churchill's Medical Directory from 1855 until 1859 when his name was asterisked, showing that the enquiry sent to him had not been answered. Henry had gone away.

We can only guess at the reasons for Henry moving not only away from London, but out of the country altogether. The medical fraternity, in the face of increasing public criticism and concern had for years been under pressure to become properly regulated, but no less than 17 medical bills presented to Parliament between 1840 and 1858, had foundered mainly due to sectional interests and wrangling in the profession.
Before the passing of the Medical Act there were 19 separate licensing bodies in the United Kingdom and there is a case of a graduate of London University who, not holding a licence from the Royal College of Physicians of London, was legally prohibited from practising as a physician in London on pain of prosecution by the College. Furthermore, moves were afoot to forbid registration to practitioners who were guilty of any criminal offence or of infamous conduct in any professional respect. Against this background, Henry might have been unable to make a living in what was a very overcrowded profession and decided to get out before any future legislation took effect. The Medical Act was finally passed in 1858.

Henry and his family went to Canada. There was no civil registration in force when his only son was born 6 April 1858 at Hamilton, Ontario. This implies that the family would have left England from either Liverpool or Bristol, the two main exit ports for the New World, making their way inland. The family later journeyed south where Henry next turned up in Ohio where he had decided to follow his profession in the American army and initially worked for the Unionist forces who were fighting the Southern Confederate rebels, mainly over the issues of the preservation of the union of the States and the abolition of slavery. The Northern army had many assistant surgeons who enlisted on contract for periods of three months upwards and Henry served as such from 5 April 1862. Fortunately, the United States National Archive still holds Henry's service file for the American Civil War (1861-65) which enables us to piece together an account of him during those years.¹¹

He was keen for promotion and it is in his letters and other documents that his progress can best be followed starting with a letter to Brig. Gen. Hammond USA. Surgeon General. Colombus, Ohio. 11 August 1863.

Sir.
In answer to your Advertisement I beg to offer myself as Candidate for Surgeon to one of the Col^d Reg^ts. I have been in the Service some time as Contract Surgeon viz., Pitsburg Landing, and I had charge of a Hospital at Savanha Ten., was then sent to take entire charge of the 11th Mo Regt near Cornish then to the charge of a Brigade Hospital also Nr Cornish after it was broken up was sent to General Hospital Jackson Tenn where I was taken sick and obliged to return home. I am anxious for Service again and should be obliged by your informing me if it is necessary for me to pass another Examination and where as my means are quite limited. I have seen good Service at the Crimea during the Russian War where I had entire charge of a large Hospital.
Your early Answer will oblige.

I have the honor to be Sir,
Your Obedt Servt.
H C Merryweather MD.

PS. I beg to enclose letter from Surgeon General of Ohio.

This accompanying letter mentions that Henry:

... has been in the service as a surgeon in one of the Illinois regiments, ... and I have examined his papers and can testify as to their genuineness. I have also had occasion to examine him as to his professional requirements and find him a well educated gentleman. He desires to know if he can be examined by the Board at Cincinnati or if the examination of the State Board would be accepted.

Meantime, he mustered at Camp Delaware, Colombus, Ohio on 21 September 1863 and was appointed an Assistant Surgeon, a post he accepted in a letter written six days later. The Muster Rolls show that a posting to the 5th Regiment United States Colored Troops followed on the 17 October and the need for a full surgeon prompted around 19 of Henry's brother officers to sign a petition on the 13 November addressed to Governor Tod of Ohio:

We ... respectfully petition your Excellency to appoint Asst. Surg. H C Merryweather ... to the position of Surgeon of the said regiment there being no surgeon appointed as yet and the regiment being ordered into service. Dr. Merryweather held a Commission as Asst. Surg. in the British service during the Crimean war and had charge of the General Hospital at Scutary for a period of fifteen months giving general satisfaction. He came from Canada at the commencement of the present war to offer his services in our cause and previous his appointment in this regiment had a position as Actg. Asst. Surg. USA having charge of General Hospitals at Savannah and Corinth, Tenn.

The Governor endorsed Henry's application the same day and by the December Henry was ordered before the examining Board, but it is not certain that he avoided travelling some 500 miles (840 km) to Cincinnati from Yorktown, Virginia where he then was. He was questioned about obstetrics, physiology, chemistry, medical jurisprudence, physiotherapy, pathology, anatomy, surgery, practical medicine, mat. medica and hygiene. Henry's answers incorporate chemical formulae, descriptions of gases, the chemical history of sulphur and show evidence of wide practical knowledge. But the most useful document is the medical autobiography he was asked to compile:

Studied at the London University, England and Graduated at the College of Surgeons England, 1854 also had a Diploma from the Toronto Medical College, 1856.¹² Was first engaged in the Service April 4th/62 as Contract Surgeon and sent from St. Louis Mis. in the D.A.[?] January to Pittsburg Landing and released to St. Louis with boat full of Wounded, was then sent to Savanha Tenn. and took charge of Hospital from thence I reported at Corinth and was sent to take charge of the 11 Mo. Regt; after was sent to the Brigade Hospital and when that was broken up was ordered to Jackson Tenn. where I remained 6 weeks and was obliged to return home on Sick leave. I am[?] Age 39. Married, Three Children and reside here[?] at Colombus O[hio].

And an example of one of the question papers:

No.2. Pract. Medicine. Dr. Merryweather. Peritonitis. State its varieties, causes, symptoms, diagnosis, prognosis, treatment. Peritonitis arises from several causes (viz.) after parturition from puncture of the abdomen and from ulceration of intestine causing perforation and allowing faecal matter to escape into the [word illegible] cavity. Puerperal peritonitis is accompanied with great pain on the slightest pressure a sharp quick pulse furred tongue and a hectic flush on the cheek - is to be treated with leeches and warm fermentations over the abdomen area perfect rest giving a little Calomel and Opium every three or five hours. Prognosis in either case, not very favourable. In penetrating wound of abdomen if you can find the place where the wound is made in intestine you must sew it up with the glovers suture and keep the patient quiet given some opium to relieve him but on no account give him carbolic medicine to disturb the intestines. Close the wound with adhesive plaister and keep him on low diet. The perforation of the intestine from Ulceration the symptoms are the same as above with the exception of the pain being more severe. The treatment is opium and perfect quiet but there is no chance of his surviving. Peritonitis may be produced by attending a case of midwifery after attending a case of erysepelas.

On the 16 April, an anxious Henry complained about the lack of news:

... as yet have not heard the result. Would you please inform me if it was satisfactory and if not when I could present myself again. It is now 17 [sic] years since I graduated and of course am somewhat deficient in the minute branches of Chemistry and Physiology but practically as a Surgeon am not at fault having served during the Crimean War as Asst. Surgeon.

Matters were not to be hurried. Even as late as 7 November enquiries were still being made about him as a letter from the Office of the Surgeon General shows addressed to the Surgeon in charge of the 18th Corps Flying Hospital who replied:

The within named Officer has been on duty with the Flying Hospital of the 18th A.C. since Sept 29th 1864, as one of the Operating Surgeons - and has distinguished himself by the prompt and faithfull manner in which he has performed his duty. I therefore cheerfully recommend him for promotion, believing he will not betray the confidence that may thus be placed in him.

The letter was endorsed by Surgeon F S Ainsworth:

... his duties ... have been performed under my observation. I have great pleasure in recommending him for promotion to the position of Regimental Surgeon, believing him to be fully competent and deserving the position.

And also a most illuminating testimonial written on the 7 November 1864 by J W Mitchell, Surgeon 5th USCT, Surgeon in Chief 3rd Division, 18th AC:¹³

To whom it may concern. It gives me pleasure to recommend Asst. Surg. C H Merryweather of the 5th USCT, for promotion to the rank of Surgeon. Doctor Merryweather served in the English Army during the Crimean war; when the Rebellion broke out, he was one of the first to enter our army, in which he has served either as Contract or Assistant Surgeon, untill the present time. During the few months he had charge of his Regt., he conducted the medical department in a manner highly satisfactory to his Superior Officers. He is a well-read and a practical physician; a judicious and skilled operator; a man of good moral character and sound sense.

An offer of promotion of Surgeon to the 117th USCT foretold a prosperous New Year for Henry's family and he accepted the appointment written from Chapins Farm on the last day of 1864. This was swiftly followed by a letter of 1 January 1865 to Capt. H B Scott, Asst. Adjt. Gen. which revealed a last-minute major obstacle.

Sir
I have the honour to state that on the 30th of Decr./64 I recd an Appointment of Surgeon to the 117th USCT which I accepted on the following day and on reporting to the Regt. for duty this morning found a Surgeon had been previously appointed and duly mustered.

These bare facts, the prelude to a crucial turning-point in our family's history, disguise what Henry's feelings might have been at this disappointment, an administrative mix-up caused by the disruptive nature of war. As an observer of day-to-day suffering and horror Henry ought to have been able to have taken this set-back with quiet resolution. Subsequent letters record the muddle but there was no talk of a re-appointment.

Let us now take a look here at what conditions were like in this terrible war. A very clear picture of the true nature of sufferings during the conflict emerges from an article - a very different perspective from that usually seen on the cinema screen.¹⁴

An impression has grown that it was a sort of romantic pageant in which somehow both sides managed to win. In fact, it was just another horrible war, and its medical and surgical history is as grim as the war itself. The official Surgical and Medical History of the war, in six large volumes, contains detailed case-histories of thousands of casualties, as well as drawings and even coloured plates of wounds and pathological specimens. Ultimately, more than three million men were involved in the two armies. No less than one in five died, the total of deaths exceeding all those dying in all other wars of the United States from 1775 to Vietnam. When the war started in 1861 general anaesthesia was nearly twenty years old. Surgery implied infection of nearly every wound ... amputations in civilian hospitals carried a high mortality rate. Little if anything had been learned from the experience of other countries. Field hospitals were rudimentary affairs, often made of bivouac tents with muskets as tent-poles. Nursing was done mainly by convalescent and invalid soldiers ... .
In the Union Army, four died of disease for every one killed by the enemy; dysentery and diarrhoeal diseases killed 57,000 Union soldiers, 13,000 more than the total killed in battle. The infective nature of these diseases being unknown, latrines (called sinks) were placed anywhere and water was never purified. Many men did not bother to use latrines, indeed some Regiments did not dig them. Many ... relapsed badly in personal habits ... the mess, the grounds, the beds, the guardhouses were in many cases described as 'deep in filth'. Flies appeared in clouds.
'We all scratch alike, generals and privates', wrote an Ohio sergeant early in the war.
Typhoid, always a scourge of nineteenth century armies, caused a quarter of all the deaths from disease, and was frequently mis-diagnosed. Chloroform was the standard anaesthetic ... amputation appears to have been performed very readily. Indeed, field surgery was largely concerned with bullet extraction and amputation.
Before the war was over the Union forces had enlisted 12,343 doctors ... many were scantily trained. As in all armies there were thousands of complaints of incompetent doctoring. It is unhappily true that a surprising number of doctors faced courts martial on charges of drinking the spirits supplied for their patients, but the Medical Inspector-general of the British Army who visited Union battlefields, praised the Union Army doctors highly, and he was no lover of Americans ... . The majority on both sides appear to have been honourable men doing their best in difficult circumstances. The death rate amongst them, both from enemy action and from disease was greater than in any other staff corps.